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经济代写|微观经济学代写Microeconomics代考|The Bigger Picture
It is now time to use these examples to develop a more comprehensive view on institutions and transaction costs. The idea that something may be missing in standard theory, which helps explain institutions, goes back to a paper by Ronald Coase that he wrote as early as Coase (1937). Standard theory models firms simply as technological phenomena transforming inputs into outputs, and makes a behavioral assumption that they seek to maximize profits. This “black-box approach” to the firm had the advantage of simplicity and it allowed for generating a lot of deep insights into the functioning of markets, some of which the last chapter covered. However, the standard approach turned out to be ill-suited to answering the question of why firms exist in the first place, given the apparent efficiency of markets. Ronald Coase’s major insight was that transaction costs are at the heart of the problem of optimal institutional design. Unfortunately, transaction costs are a vexed concept, because they turned out to be very difficult to define in a precise and useful way.
Much effort has been devoted to understand the exact conditions under which the invisible hand can leverage self-interest into social welfare and the most useful insight, for this purpose, goes back to another paper by Ronald Coase (1960). If society is interested in promoting efficiency, then every institution that is compatible with this goal must share the same structure: it has to make sure that individuals fully internalize the effects of their behavior on others.
As suggested above, internalization of interdependencies can be achieved by a complete set of competitive markets. The completeness of the markets implies the absence of an important category of market-related transaction costs. The term “transaction costs” is closely related to institutions, since transaction costs can be used to assess the relative “imperfectness” of different institutions (see Definition 6.2). This understanding allows it to put the First Theorem of Welfare Economics into perspective. It was clear from the work of theorists of socialist planning like Oskar Lange $(1936 ; 1937)$ that, under the conditions of the First Theorem of Welfare Economics, a central planning mechanism is efficient as well. In order to find the equilibrium price, “the market” needs information that, in the hands of a central planner, would be sufficient to implement the efficient allocation directly without the detour of market transactions. This implies that, under ideal circumstances, the institutional structure does not matter for the efficiency of the resulting allocation.
Coase (1960) generalized this idea by creating the awareness that it is neither the complete set of markets nor the idealized planner mechanism that is responsible for the result, but two other, implicit assumptions, namely the rationality of economic actors and the absence of transaction costs.
经济代写|微观经济学代写Microeconomics代考|Externalities in Traffic
The most common feeling of car drivers who are locked in a traffic jam is anger, but these psychological costs are only the tip of the iceberg regarding economic costs caused by crowded streets and overburdened infrastructure. The main causes of traffic jams are accidents, poor infrastructure, peak-hour traffic, and variable traffic speeds on congested roads. The Centre for Economics and Business Research and INRIX (a company providing Internet services pertaining to road traffic) has estimated the impact of such delays on the British, French, German, and American economies. Here are some of the main findings (US data):
- The costs of congestion summed up to $\$ 124$ billion in 2013 . This cost is (ceteris paribus) expected to increase $50 \%$ to $\$ 186$ billion by 2030 . The cumulative cost over the 17 -year period is projected to be $\$ 2.8$ trillion.
- The annual cost of traffic for each American household is $\$ 1700$ today. This cost is expected to rise to $\$ 2300$ in 2030 , with huge regional variations (the cost is $\$ 6000$ in the Los Angeles area). To put these numbers into perspective, the median household income was $\$ 51,939$ in 2013.
- The monetary value of carbon emissions caused by congestion was $\$ 300$ million in 2013 . By 2030 , this is expected to rise to $\$ 538$ million, totaling $\$ 7.6$ billion over the 17-year period.
Congestion costs of traffic can legitimately count as an externality, because the main causes of these costs are (a) opportunity costs of time, (b) costs of carbon and other emissions, and (c) price effects of higher transportation costs. In order to understand this conjecture, it makes sense to look at a car driver’s decision problem. When deciding if, when or where to use streets, she takes individual costs and benefits into consideration. However, the lion’s share of costs and benefits spills over onto other traffic participants and the general public. Emissions cause either regional or global effects, which are not included in the individual’s decision problem, and other drivers’ wasted time is also neglected. The reason is that decentralized negotiations about when and where to use the streets would lead to prohibitive transaction costs.
What else can one do to make traffic more efficient? What are the institutional alternatives? Solving congestion is not easy. Building more roads, or widening existing ones, can encourage people to drive even more. Charging road users for travelling at busy periods can help to solve the efficiency problem, but it may cause other problems. To highlight them, one can focus on the London Congestion Charge . The standard charge in 2016 was $£ 11.50$ on most motor vehicles operating within the Congestion Charge Zone (Central London) between 07:00 a.m. and 08:00 p.m., Monday through Friday. In theory, the charge should be set such that the individual driver pays a price that is equal to the costs caused by his decision to use a specific network of streets during a given time period. Hence, if the charge is calculated correctly, one can infer that the externality caused by a single driver is approximately $£ 11.50$. If the price of going to central London goes up, demand should go down and one gets the desired increase in efficiency, because congestion is reduced. What makes this instrument problematic is that it has distributional consequences, because the fee is especially burdensome for the relatively poor, who are disproportionately deterred from coming to the city center by car.
微观经济学代考
经济代写|微观经济学代写Microeconomics代考|The Bigger Picture
现在是时候使用这些示例来更全面地了解制度和交易成本了。标准理论中可能缺少某些有助于解释制度的东西的想法可以追溯到罗纳德·科斯 (Ronald Coase) 早在科斯 (1937) 时写的一篇论文。标准理论将公司简单地建模为将输入转化为输出的技术现象，并做出他们寻求最大化利润的行为假设。这种对公司的“黑匣子方法”具有简单的优势，并且可以对市场的运作产生许多深刻的见解，其中一些在上一章中有所介绍。然而，考虑到市场的明显效率，标准方法被证明不适合回答企业为何存在的问题。罗纳德科斯的主要见解是交易成本是最优制度设计问题的核心。不幸的是，交易成本是一个令人烦恼的概念，因为事实证明它们很难以精确和有用的方式定义。
为了理解看不见的手可以将自身利益用于社会福利的确切条件，人们付出了很多努力，为此目的，最有用的见解可以追溯到罗纳德·科斯 (Ronald Coase) (1960) 的另一篇论文。如果社会对提高效率感兴趣，那么每一个与这个目标兼容的机构都必须具有相同的结构：它必须确保个人充分内化他们的行为对他人的影响。
如上所述，相互依赖的内部化可以通过一套完整的竞争市场来实现。市场的完整性意味着不存在一类重要的与市场相关的交易成本。“交易成本”一词与制度密切相关，因为交易成本可用于评估不同制度的相对“不完善性”（见定义 6.2）。这种理解使它能够正确看待福利经济学第一定理。从奥斯卡·兰格等社会主义计划理论家的著作中可以清楚地看出这一点(1936;1937)也就是说，在福利经济学第一定理的条件下，中央计划机制也是有效的。为了找到均衡价格，“市场”需要在中央计划者手中足以直接实施有效配置而无需绕过市场交易的信息。这意味着，在理想情况下，制度结构对最终分配的效率无关紧要。
Coase (1960) 概括了这一观点，让人们意识到，对结果负责的既不是完整的市场集，也不是理想化的计划者机制，而是另外两个隐含的假设，即经济参与者的理性和交易的缺失费用。
经济代写|微观经济学代写Microeconomics代考|Externalities in Traffic
被困在堵车中的汽车司机最常见的感受是愤怒，但这些心理成本只是拥挤的街道和不堪重负的基础设施造成的经济成本的冰山一角。造成交通拥堵的主要原因是事故、基础设施薄弱、高峰时段的交通以及拥堵道路上的变速车速。经济与商业研究中心和 INRIX（一家提供与道路交通相关的互联网服务的公司）估计了此类延误对英国、法国、德国和美国经济的影响。以下是一些主要发现（美国数据）：
- 拥堵成本总计为$124亿在 2013 年。该成本（其他条件不变）预计会增加50%至$186亿到 2030 年。预计 17 年期间的累计成本为$2.8兆。
- 每个美国家庭每年的交通费用是$1700今天。这笔费用预计将上升至$23002030 年，地区差异巨大（成本为$6000在洛杉矶地区）。为了正确看待这些数字，家庭收入中位数是$51,9392013年。
- 拥堵造成的碳排放的货币价值为$300万 2013 年。到 2030 年，预计将上升到$538万，共计$7.617 年期间达 10 亿美元。
交通拥堵成本可以合法地算作外部性，因为这些成本的主要原因是 (a) 时间的机会成本，(b) 碳和其他排放的成本，以及 (c) 更高的运输成本的价格效应。为了理解这个猜想，看看汽车司机的决策问题是有意义的。在决定是否、何时或何地使用街道时，她会考虑个人的成本和收益。然而，大部分的成本和收益都会溢出到其他交通参与者和公众身上。排放造成区域或全球影响，这不包括在个人的决策问题中，其他司机浪费的时间也被忽略了。原因是关于何时何地使用街道的分散谈判会导致交易成本过高。
还可以做些什么来提高交通效率？有哪些制度选择？解决拥堵并不容易。修建更多道路或拓宽现有道路可以鼓励人们更多地开车。对繁忙时段出行的道路使用者收费，有助于解决效率问题，但也可能带来其他问题。为了突出它们，可以关注伦敦拥堵费。2016年收费标准为££11.50在周一至周五上午 7:00 至晚上 8:00 之间在拥堵收费区（伦敦市中心）内行驶的大多数机动车。从理论上讲，收费的设定应使个别司机支付的价格等于他决定在给定时间段内使用特定街道网络所造成的成本。因此，如果费用计算正确，可以推断单个司机造成的外部性约为££11.50. 如果去伦敦市中心的价格上涨，需求应该会下降，而且效率会得到预期的提高，因为拥堵会减少。使该工具产生问题的是它会产生分配后果，因为费用对相对贫困的人来说尤其沉重，他们不成比例地不敢开车来市中心。
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