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建筑代写|建筑史代写Historical and Cultural Developments of Cities and their Architecture代考|The Underworld
If we shift our focus from skyscrapers and mines to the whole set of artifacts that characterize the human-built world, we need to start looking at architecture’s history not only for its visible manifestations above ground, but also for its hidden subterranean spaces. As an analogue counterpart to the vast vertical expansion that characterizes the global cities’ skyline, in fact, subterranean spaces are a repository: an inventory of architectural forms, material extractions, bizarre experiments, and ambiguous episodes.
Mines, dwellings, vernacular architectures: in delineating a taxonomy of old and recent episodes, more urgent issues arise. These subterranean spatial products are not simply scattered or isolated cases. In their diversity, they constitute a whole, a well-defined territory. The name we will give to this composite field is Underworld.
The following pages aim to demonstrate two different hypotheses. The first hypothesis is that the study of the Underworld allows to outline a comprehensive history of the built environment and of its transformations, which takes into account space beyond formal or aesthetic qualities, and investigates architecture’s role in the so-called Anthropocene. Although humans, since early ages, have tended to colonize any possible corner of the earth for different purposes, it is only after the Industrial Revolution that the degree of ambition and awareness with which natural resources have been exploited has gradually shaped an invisible domain, parallel and complementary to our visible built environment. The Underworld includes, but is not limited to, subterranean examples. It reaches beyond its most literal interpretation to incorporate all those secret and hidden elements whose spatial articulation is not completely revealed, or whose internal logic derives from above-the-ground inputs. Underground spaces belong to the Underworld, but the Underworld is not always belowground: it can be inaccessible or far from the public gaze, yet located in urban centers. Bunkers, catacombs, aqueducts, and, more recently, data centers, and seed banks: all of these examples belong to the Underworld. The Underworld manifests itself not as a specific physical location or collection of objects, but a set of socio-technical and spatial relations that shape our cities.
The second hypothesis informing the structure of the paper is that the Underworld’s character-its conception, its materialization, its functioning-is essentially infrastructural. The Underworld exists to guarantee efficiency and to complement some of the services provided above ground; but it also exists to deploy a range of activities that otherwise would be prohibited or difficult to be performed elsewhere-with this respect, the Underworld often coincides with the most sinister manifestations of late capitalism, representing its black hole but also the deep reason of its prolongation and hegemony. In other words, one may say that the Underworld does not constitute a state of exception: its raison d’être derives from the same forces triggering the above-the-ground realm: settlement, trade, migration, warfare, epidemics. As François Fourquet argues, the city can be read as an ensemble of collective apparatuses distributed through space both horizontally and vertically. It collects, registers, catalyzes, and stores visible (objects) and invisible (information) flows. ${ }^4$ In this sense, the study of the Underworld becomes all the more relevant, as it shapes socio-technical relations, distributes resources and mobilities (unevenly), and expands forms of surveillance and social control.
In addition, the Underworld is a field for the operation of biopower, a spatial realm governed by what Michel Foucault called the dispotif. When outlining his concept of dispositive-that heterogeneous ensemble of discourses, institutions, laws, administrative statements, scientific enunciations, philosophic and moral propositions-the French philosopher also mentioned the role played by architecture and described how, especially in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, political intentions manifested mainly through infrastructures, dwellings, and public spaces. ${ }^5$ In looking at the Underworld as a composite constellation of all apparatuses that fuel biopolitics, we can detect the instrumental character of any design process: whether they served to protect entire countries from enemies, or to store sensitive data, underworld spaces are the ideal terrain to investigate the relationship between power, surveillance, and individuality.
建筑代写|建筑史代写Historical and Cultural Developments of Cities and their Architecture代考|Command and Control
Foucault’s notion of dispotif is particularly useful in accounting for the long history of the design and production of infrastructures of control. His own account begins famously with the Panopticon. A social experiment ideated by philosopher Jeremy Bentham in 1791, the Panopticon represents the metaphor of how any institution-cultural, social, political-can establish forms of vigilance and punishment over its citizens. Its circular architecture is characterized by a series of rings: each ring accommodates several individual cells. In the middle, a single, all-seeing Eye-a tower representing the invasive presence of Power, which sees everything without ever being seen. And yet, while the Panopticon introduced the notion of constant observation and absolute isolation, it is largely an aboveground enterprise.
By contrast, the so-called Old Newgate prison in East Granby, Connecticut suggests a variant lineage of control, one involving the Underworld as a governing spatial logic. At the beginning of the eighteenth century, copper was discovered in the region and a system of tunnels was dug for its extraction. Ore from the mine was shipped to Boston and then to England to be refined. In 1773, the Connecticut General Assembly transformed the tunnels into a prison and employed its inmates as miners. Additional underground rooms were excavated, and the prisoners were forced to live and work below the ground. At Newgate, and thousands of other prison-mines around the world, panopticism is not a design requirement for control; it is enough to govern and secure the points of access, trapping prisoners in a world below ground.
The Underworld is also commonly produced and deployed for the exercise of state power and military control. In times of war, the Underworld expands rapidly through engineering works such as bunkers, tunnels, and shelters. Trench warfare during World War I found millions of soldiers living and dying in the sinuous networks carved out of farms and forests along the front lines. From 1940 to 1944, the London Underground itself served as an extensive air raid shelter for huddling and terrified civilians. During the Cold War, the fear of nuclear attacks led to the construction of a massive underground defense system, from missile silos and command bunkers to millions of designated fallout shelters in the basements of apartment buildings, hospitals, courthouses, and city halls. Today, especially in Western countries, most of these spaces have been simply abandoned or reconverted into public venues, such as museums and art galleries.
However, the expansion of the Underworld in times of war is not simply a defensive preoccupation. Often, the Underworld has been conceived as a weapon, a prolongation below the ground of warfare by other means. To some extent, warfare can only be fully understood in its three-dimensional character, as aerial views and maps offer a very partial picture. During the Cold War, for example, the U.S. Strategic Air Command built over one thousand intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) silos across the country (see Figure 4.2). Although well hidden from American citizens, the Soviet Union maintained detailed knowledge of the sites through satellite imaging and espionage reports. Moreover, while typically secreted away in remote deserts or plans, most of the missiles targeted high profile population centers,
建筑史代考
建筑代写|建筑史代写Historical and Cultural Developments of Cities and their Architecture代考|The Underworld
如果我们将注意力从摩天大楼和矿山转移到表征人造世界的整套人工制品上，我们就需要开始审视建筑的历史，不仅要考虑其在地面上的可见表现，还要考虑其隐藏的地下空间。作为全球城市天际线特征的巨大垂直扩张的模拟对应物，事实上，地下空间是一个存储库：建筑形式、材料提取、奇异实验和模棱两可的事件的清单。
矿山、住宅、乡土建筑：在对旧的和最近的事件进行分类时，出现了更紧迫的问题。这些地下空间产品并不是简单的分散或孤立的案例。在它们的多样性中，它们构成了一个整体，一个明确的领域。我们将给这个复合字段起名为Underworld。
以下页面旨在证明两种不同的假设。第一个假设是，对地下世界的研究可以勾勒出建筑环境及其转变的全面历史，其中考虑了超出形式或美学品质的空间，并研究了建筑在所谓的人类世中的作用。尽管人类从小就为了不同的目的而倾向于在地球上任何一个可能的角落进行殖民，但直到工业革命之后，开发自然资源的野心和意识才逐渐形成了一个无形的领域，平行并补充我们可见的建筑环境。黑社会包括但不限于地下的例子。它超越了最字面的解释，将所有那些空间清晰度未完全揭示，或者其内部逻辑源自地面输入的秘密和隐藏元素纳入其中。地下空间属于地下世界，但地下世界并不总是在地下：它可能无法进入或远离公众视线，但位于城市中心。碉堡、地下墓穴、渡槽，以及最近的数据中心和种子库：所有这些例子都属于黑社会。黑社会本身并不是一个特定的物理位置或物体的集合，而是一组塑造我们城市的社会技术和空间关系。地下空间属于地下世界，但地下世界并不总是在地下：它可能无法进入或远离公众视线，但位于城市中心。碉堡、地下墓穴、渡槽，以及最近的数据中心和种子库：所有这些例子都属于黑社会。黑社会本身并不是一个特定的物理位置或物体的集合，而是一组塑造我们城市的社会技术和空间关系。地下空间属于地下世界，但地下世界并不总是在地下：它可能无法进入或远离公众视线，但位于城市中心。碉堡、地下墓穴、渡槽，以及最近的数据中心和种子库：所有这些例子都属于黑社会。黑社会本身并不是一个特定的物理位置或物体的集合，而是一组塑造我们城市的社会技术和空间关系。
说明论文结构的第二个假设是，冥界的特征——它的概念、它的实体化、它的功能——本质上是基础设施。黑社会的存在是为了保证效率并补充地面上提供的一些服务；但它的存在也是为了部署一系列在其他地方会被禁止或难以进行的活动——在这方面，黑社会往往与晚期资本主义最险恶的表现相吻合，既代表了它的黑洞，也代表了它的深层原因。延长和霸权。换句话说，可以说冥界并不构成一种例外状态：它存在的理由来自触发地上领域的相同力量：定居、贸易、迁移、战争、流行病。正如 François Fourquet 所言，城市可以被解读为在空间中水平和垂直分布的集体装置的集合。它收集、注册、催化和存储可见（对象）和不可见（信息）流。4从这个意义上说，对黑社会的研究变得更加相关，因为它塑造了社会技术关系，分配资源和流动性（不均匀），并扩大了监视和社会控制的形式。
此外，冥界是一个生命权力运作的领域，一个由米歇尔·福柯所谓的统治者统治的空间领域。在概述他的决定性概念——话语、制度、法律、行政声明、科学表述、哲学和道德命题的异质集合——时，这位法国哲学家还提到了建筑所扮演的角色，并描述了尤其是在 18 世纪和 19 世纪，政治意图主要通过基础设施、住宅和公共空间表现出来。5将冥界视为推动生命政治的所有装置的复合星座，我们可以发现任何设计过程的工具性特征：无论是保护整个国家免受敌人侵害，还是存储敏感数据，冥界空间都是理想的地形。调查权力、监视和个性之间的关系。
建筑代写|建筑史代写Historical and Cultural Developments of Cities and their Architecture代考|Command and Control
福柯的支配概念对于解释控制基础设施的设计和生产的悠久历史特别有用。他自己的叙述以圆形监狱而闻名。作为哲学家杰里米·边沁（Jeremy Bentham）于 1791 年提出的一项社会实验，圆形监狱代表了任何机构——文化、社会、政治——如何对其公民建立警惕和惩罚形式的隐喻。其圆形结构的特点是一系列环：每个环可容纳几个单独的单元。在中间，一个单一的，全视之眼——一个代表权力侵入性存在的塔，它看到了一切，却从未被看到。然而，虽然全景监狱引入了持续观察和绝对隔离的概念，但它在很大程度上是一个地下企业。
相比之下，康涅狄格州东格兰比所谓的旧纽盖特监狱则暗示了一种不同的控制谱系，一种涉及黑社会作为支配空间逻辑的谱系。十八世纪初，在该地区发现了铜，并挖掘了一个隧道系统进行开采。矿山的矿石被运往波士顿，然后运往英国进行精炼。1773 年，康涅狄格州议会将隧道改造成监狱，并雇用其囚犯作为矿工。额外的地下房间被挖掘出来，囚犯被迫在地下生活和工作。在纽盖特和世界各地数以千计的其他监狱地雷，全景不是控制的设计要求。控制和保护出入点就足够了，将囚犯困在地下世界。
黑社会也经常为行使国家权力和军事控制而生产和部署。在战争时期，地下世界通过掩体、隧道和避难所等工程工程迅速扩张。第一次世界大战期间的堑壕战发现，数百万士兵在前线农场和森林的蜿蜒网络中生死存亡。从 1940 年到 1944 年，伦敦地铁本身就是为拥挤和惊恐的平民提供的大型防空洞。在冷战期间，对核袭击的恐惧导致建造了一个庞大的地下防御系统，从导弹发射井和指挥掩体到公寓楼、医院、法院和市政厅地下室的数百万个指定的辐射避难所。今天，尤其是在西方国家，
然而，战时冥界的扩张不仅仅是防御性的当务之急。通常，冥界被认为是一种武器，是通过其他方式在战争地下的延伸。在某种程度上，战争只能从它的三维特征中得到充分理解，因为鸟瞰图和地图提供了一个非常局部的画面。例如，在冷战期间，美国战略空军司令部在全国建造了 1000 多个洲际弹道导弹 (ICBM) 发射井（见图 4.2）。尽管对美国公民隐藏得很好，但苏联通过卫星成像和间谍报告保持了对这些地点的详细了解。此外，虽然通常隐藏在偏远的沙漠或计划中，但大多数导弹的目标都是引人注目的人口中心，
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