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建筑代写|建筑史代写Historical and Cultural Developments of Cities and their Architecture代考|Alternative Genealogies

If we move further back in reconstructing cement genealogies of sub-Saharan Africa, we will encounter other, earlier examples of cement plants that were perceived by colonial powers as a necessary metainfrastructure of large colonial investments, especially in the domain of transport infrastructure. From 1909 to 1913 , the German firm G. Polysius drew up plans for a cement production site at Pongwe in German East Africa (nowadays Tanzania). The plans include a limestone quarry, the cement factory with surrounding housing facilities for the European personnel, and two railway stations. In preparation, the firm’s engineers thoroughly mapped the topography of the terrain, as well as the lime and clay deposits meticulously. Had it been erected, the Pongwe facility would have been among the first cement plants in sub-Saharan Africa, apart from three plants in Southern Africa, namely Pretoria Portland Cement Company, established in 1892, and Premier Portland Cement Company of Bulawayo, and Blue Circle Cement Ltd. Company established in South Rhodesia in 1913 and 1914, respectively.

German colonial officials deemed the location of the Pongwe to be crucial both for the construction of the railway and the extension of the nearby harbor in Tanga. By 1891, the stations “Steinbruch” (stone quarry) and “Pongwe” had already been constructed along the line, and were among the first to be established. Meanwhile, the firm of G. Polysius had already established itself as a specialized global player prior to World War I. However, in Pongwe it faced competition from Vogtländische Plantagengesellschaft, an export agriculture operation aiming to expand its operations through production of construction materials. Both companies aimed to acquire plots between the Steinbruch and Pongwe stations, where a disused limestone quarry already existed. After a flurry of correspondence between G. Polysius headquarters in Dessau and the colonial government, the company managed to secure a concession in 1910. Under the terms of this “public-private-partnership,” the colonial government and the company constructing the railway, Koloniale Eisenbahn-Bau-und Betriebsgesellschaft, were allowed to acquire limestone and other mineral products of the quarry. The pleas of the second firm were purposely ignored by the colonial bureaucracy.

However, correspondence between the owner of the enterprise from Dessau, Otto Polysius and his notary in Dar es Salaam, reveals that rapid construction had never been the company’s intention. On the contrary, the aim was to postpone the investment for as long as possible in order to gather sufficient capital and stocks. The only reason for hasty bidding was to outplay the competitor, Vogtländische Plantagengesellschaft. But now faced with an unfeasible schedule, the contract was still unfulfilled in 1913, and the German cement plant in East Africa never came into being. While a cement plant would eventually be erected in the same location, this case clearly demonstrates how the territories of colonial expansionist planning were simultaneously sites of speculation for capitalist firms, whose ambitions surpassed national boundaries and constraints, extending into colonial territories. $^{13}$

建筑代写|建筑史代写Historical and Cultural Developments of Cities and their Architecture代考|Materializing Infrastructure

It is only recently-following the material turn in social sciences-that Ferro’s Marxist approach to the production processes of architecture has gained momentum. His attention to material production has found its way into architectural history and theory through several sources, including: urban and construction historians interested in social aspects of the construction site; anthropologists and sociologists investigating the processes of building; and insights from science and technology studies applied to built environments. ${ }^{17}$ Throughout our chapter, we have aimed to show how this material approach is even more important when studying infrastructure. Without an anchoring in material conditions, infrastructure is all too often recruited into success stories of ‘progress’ and ‘global modernity.’ This is particularly the case in the context of sub-Saharan Africa. Since stories of ‘successful’ infrastructural projects are often part of the ammunition for colonial apologetics or neo-colonial thinking, debunking this myth of undivided success is even more important here than elsewhere.

In this chapter, we have challenged the success stories of cement production in sub-Saharan Africa, through inverting their chronology and investigating a wide variety of sources. Taking the materialities of infrastructure into account, a nuanced picture emerges, encompassing different sets of actors such as laborers, indigenous craft practitioners, on-the-ground engineers, and construction managers, all engaged in ambiguous interdependencies with and independence from (post-)colonial powers. While the former Belgian and German colonies are only two of numerous possible sites for investigation, what has become clear is that histories of infrastructure grounded in overdetermined and unilinear narratives of progress must give way to a range of other stories-to local alternatives, indigenous knowledges, false starts, and dashed dreams.

What also becomes visible in our examination of cement as meta-infrastructure are different geographies and scales, revealing how intertwined production and commodity chains functioned throughout the twentieth century, establishing transnational connectivity much earlier than the 1970s “shock of the global” period.

Finally, this approach enables us to observe different temporalities, defined not only by ruptures but also by important continuities. These vectors of obdurance and change not only arise out of supposed path dependencies but are simultaneously rooted in the local landscape. As cement production is dependent on the (local) supply of raw materials such as lime (a rare mineral in many parts of subSaharan Africa) and clay, it is no surprise that we are dealing with a spatially fixed industry, with all the vagaries that come with real sites and places. If a location for a cement plant was chosen at the beginning of the twentieth century, it is not only very probable that the plant still exists there nowadays, but it is even very likely that these locations echo the locations of pre-colonial lime burning sites. Thus, in so many ways the history of cement as a material opens up a view of infrastructure not only as a finished object or network, but also as an assemblage of inputs unevenly distributed, episodically planned, haphazardly extracted, and politically embedded, all with varying degrees of failure and success.

建筑代写|建筑史代写Historical and Cultural Developments of Cities and their Architecture代考|ARC1720

建筑史代考

建筑代写|建筑史代写Historical and Cultural Developments of Cities and their Architecture代考|Alternative Genealogies

如果我们在重建撒哈拉以南非洲的水泥谱系方面再往前走,我们将遇到其他早期的水泥厂例子,这些水泥厂被殖民列强视为大型殖民投资的必要基础设施,特别是在交通基础设施领域。从 1909 年到 1913 年,德国公司 G. Polysius 制定了在德属东非(今坦桑尼亚)的 Pongwe 建立水泥生产基地的计划。这些计划包括一个石灰石采石场、为欧洲人员提供周边住房设施的水泥厂和两个火车站。在准备过程中,该公司的工程师彻底绘制了地形图,以及精心绘制的石灰和粘土沉积物。如果建成,Pongwe 工厂将成为撒哈拉以南非洲第一批水泥厂之一,

德国殖民官员认为 Pongwe 的位置对于铁路建设和附近坦噶港口的扩建都至关重要。到 1891 年,“Steinbruch”(采石场)和“Pongwe”站已经沿线建成,是最早建立的车站之一。与此同时,G. Polysius 公司在第一次世界大战之前已经确立了自己作为专业全球参与者的地位。然而,在 Pongwe,它面临来自 Vogtländische Plantagengesellschaft 的竞争,Vogtländische Plantagengesellschaft 是一家出口农业企业,旨在通过生产建筑材料来扩大其业务。两家公司的目标都是收购 Steinbruch 和 Pongwe 站之间的地块,那里已经存在一个废弃的石灰石采石场。在G之间的一连串通信之后。在德绍的 Polysius 总部和殖民政府,该公司设法在 1910 年获得了特许权。根据这种“公私合作”的条款,殖民政府和建设铁路的公司 Koloniale Eisenbahn-Bau-und Betriebsgesellschaft,获准收购采石场的石灰石和其他矿产品。殖民官僚机构故意无视第二家公司的请求。

然而,来自德绍的企业所有者 Otto Polysius 和他在达累斯萨拉姆的公证人之间的通信表明,快速建设从来都不是该公司的意图。相反,目的是尽可能长时间地推迟投资,以收集足够的资本和股票。仓促投标的唯一原因是为了超越竞争对手 Vogtländische Plantagengesellschaft。但现在面临一个不可行的时间表,1913年合同仍未履行,德国在东非的水泥厂从未成立。虽然最终将在同一地点建立水泥厂,但这个案例清楚地表明,殖民扩张主义规划的领土如何同时成为资本主义公司的投机场所,其野心超越了国界和限制,13

建筑代写|建筑史代写Historical and Cultural Developments of Cities and their Architecture代考|Materializing Infrastructure

直到最近——随着社会科学的物质转向——费罗对建筑生产过程的马克思主义方法才获得了动力。他对材料生产的关注已通过多个来源进入建筑历史和理论,包括:对建筑工地的社会方面感兴趣的城市和建筑历史学家;调查建造过程的人类学家和社会学家;以及应用于建筑环境的科学和技术研究的见解。17在整章中,我们旨在展示这种材料方法在研究基础设施时如何变得更加重要。如果没有物质条件的锚定,基础设施往往会被纳入“进步”和“全球现代性”的成功故事中。在撒哈拉以南非洲地区尤其如此。由于“成功”基础设施项目的故事通常是殖民辩护或新殖民主义思想弹药的一部分,因此揭穿这种不可分割的成功神话在这里比其他地方更为重要。

在本章中,我们通过颠倒时间顺序和调查各种来源来挑战撒哈拉以南非洲水泥生产的成功案例。考虑到基础设施的重要性,出现了一幅微妙的画面,包括不同的行为者,如劳工、土著手工艺从业者、实地工程师和施工经理,他们都与(后)有着模棱两可的相互依存关系和独立性。殖民列强。虽然前比利时和德国殖民地只是众多可能的调查地点中的两个,但显而易见的是,以过度确定和单线的进步叙述为基础的基础设施历史必须让位于一系列其他故事——当地替代方案、土著知识,错误的开始和破灭的梦想。

在我们对作为元基础设施的水泥的研究中,还可以看到不同的地理和规模,揭示了在整个 20 世纪相互交织的生产和商品链是如何运作的,比 1970 年代“全球冲击”时期建立的跨国连通性要早得多。

最后,这种方法使我们能够观察到不同的时间性,这些时间性不仅由断裂定义,还由重要的连续性定义。这些顽固和变化的向量不仅源于假定的路径依赖性,而且同时植根于当地景观。由于水泥生产依赖于(当地)原材料供应,例如石灰(撒哈拉以南非洲许多地区的稀有矿物)和粘土,因此我们正在处理一个空间固定的行业,所有变幻莫测的行业都不足为奇。带有真实的站点和地点。如果水泥厂的选址是在 20 世纪初选定的,那么该厂不仅很可能现在仍然存在,而且这些地点很可能与前殖民时期石灰燃烧地点的位置相呼应. 

建筑代写|建筑史代写Historical and Cultural Developments of Cities and their Architecture代考

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