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建筑代写|环境设计代写Environmental Design代考|”NOT JUST BARBERRY”

The late modernist Swedish urban periphery has received prodigious scholarly and media attention. Debates from architecture to sociology to human geography have focused on how a “rationalized” approach to design-especially of mid- and highrise residential structures-led to supposedly unattractive areas, with many said to be plagued by ethnic segregation and social alienation. ${ }^1$ Representative images typically show rows of identical, high-rise housing blocks and graffiti-covered façades, often coupled with words like sterile, monotonous, and deprived.

Pessimistic portrayals such as these, however, typically omit a prominent and pervasive feature of the original designs of late modernist housing areas in Sweden: their landscapes. These “concrete suburbs”- as they are frequently dubbed, disparagingly-were also meant to be green. Plans for Swedish peripheries built during the 1960s and 1970s included playgrounds, parks, paths, bridges, and other open, green, and public spaces. Outdoor spaces were originally prescribed in the national government’s guidelines for construction projects.

Government reports, such as the National Housing Board’s (Bostadsstyrelsen) report series known as Good Housing (God bostad), begun in 1954 and published in important editions in 1960 and 1964 , have been primarily associated with the measurements and standards incorporated into apartments built during the so-called “Record Years” (approximately 1960 to 1975). At that time, the national government, led by the Social Democrats, capitalized on the robust Swedish economy in their efforts to eliminate the major housing shortage created when rural workers migrated en masse to urban centers. In the process, they hoped to improve housing quality, with Sweden’s then-abysmal offerings a major political controversy.

Swedish governmental research has long shaped policy, as political discourse has related dynamically and constantly to materiality. In other words, the shifts in policy expressed in nationally commissioned reports has had an often-immediate influence on the Swedish built environment-the environment that was built. Explicit changes in official national attitudes toward outdoor spaces from the early 1960 s to the 1980 s are thus critically important for understanding the political ecology of nature and outdoor spaces as essential components of a national program for planning that linked social, economic, and physical measures.

建筑代写|环境设计代写Environmental Design代考|Friytor for the people

The late modernist neighborhoods of the Swedish Million Program not only answered the demand for housing, especially in newly overcrowded cities; they also created idealized public and semipublic spaces for the practice of modern citizenship, including neighborhood centers, laundry rooms, and playgrounds. Critically, Million Program housing was not designed for society’s neediest members-such as the banlieuls found in France or the “social housing” of the United Kingdom. Instead, the Million Program would house everyday working- and middle-class Swedes, who would delight in its up-to-the-minute innovations like self-service grocery shopping, refrigerators that fit into a 60 -centimeter module, and indoor plumbing, which was itself still not accessible to all Swedes in the midtwentieth century. These advances also meant that outdoor spaces would have a critical social role.

The authors of the 1960 edition of Good Housing described outdoor spaces in four primary ways: as spaces of communication, spaces of assembly, garden spaces, and urban spaces, ${ }^3$ a sentiment repeated at the dawn of the Million Program, in the 1964 edition of the same booklet. Attention was paid to the relationship between apartment spaces and outdoor surroundings, offering the argument that “to provide the best possible contact between exterior and interior in neighborhoods with multi-family housing, indoor spaces and outdoor spaces should be planned together”. ${ }^4$ Both the 1960 and 1964 Good Housing reports include the statement that outdoor space “shall be consciously designed and defined in relation to its functions, not left over when all the other demands have been fulfilled”. ${ }^5$ In other words, dynamic interactions between outdoor and indoor spaces comprised an essential part of the overall urban environment, and Bostadsstyrelsen portrayed time and attention to this interaction as critical to the planning process.

建筑代写|环境设计代写Environmental Design代考|IS-253

环境设计代考

建筑代写|环境设计代写Environmental Design代考|”NOT JUST BARBERRY”

已故的现代主义瑞典城市周边地区受到了学术界和媒体的极大关注。从建筑学到社会学再到人文地理学的争论都集中在“合理化”的设计方法——尤其是中高层住宅结构——如何导致被认为没有吸引力的地区,据说许多地区受到种族隔离和社会异化的困扰。1代表性图像通常显示一排排相同的高层住宅区和涂鸦覆盖的外墙,通常与无菌、单调和剥夺等词结合使用。

然而,诸如此类的悲观描绘通常忽略了瑞典晚期现代主义住宅区原始设计的一个突出而普遍的特征:它们的景观。这些“混凝土郊区”——因为它们经常被轻蔑地称为——也意味着是绿色的。在 1960 和 1970 年代建造的瑞典周边地区的计划包括游乐场、公园、小径、桥梁和其他开放、绿色和公共空间。室外空间最初是在国家政府的建筑项目指南中规定的。

政府报告,例如国家住房委员会 (Bostadsstyrelsen) 的报告系列,称为良好的住房 (God bostad),始于 1954 年,并于 1960 年和 1964 年在重要版本中发表,主要与纳入在所谓的“创纪录年”(约 1960 年至 1975 年)。当时,由社会民主党领导的国家政府利用强劲的瑞典经济,努力消除农村工人集体迁移到城市中心造成的严重住房短缺。在此过程中,他们希望提高住房质量,因为瑞典当时糟糕的产品是一个重大的政治争议。

瑞典政府研究长期以来一直在塑造政策,因为政治话语与物质性密切相关。换句话说,国家委托报告中所表达的政策转变对瑞典的建筑环境——建造的环境——产生了直接的影响。因此,从 1960 年代初到 1980 年代,官方国家对户外空间态度的显着变化对于理解自然和户外空间的政治生态学作为国家规划计划的重要组成部分,将社会、经济和物理措施联系起来.

建筑代写|环境设计代写Environmental Design代考|Friytor for the people

瑞典百万计划的晚期现代主义社区不仅满足了住房需求,尤其是在新近拥挤的城市;他们还为现代公民的实践创造了理想化的公共和半公共空间,包括邻里中心、洗衣房和游乐场。至关重要的是,百万计划住房并不是为社会最需要的成员设计的——例如在法国发现的 Banlieuls 或英国的“社会住房”。相反,百万计划将容纳每天的工作和中产阶级瑞典人,他们会喜欢它最新的创新,如自助杂货店购物、适合 60 厘米模块的冰箱和室内管道,在 20 世纪中叶,它本身还不是所有瑞典人都能接触到的。

1960 年版 Good Housing 的作者以四种主要方式描述了户外空间:作为交流空间、集会空间、花园空间和城市空间,3在同一本小册子的 1964 年版中,在百万计划开始时重复了这种观点。关注公寓空间与室外环境之间的关系,提出“为了在多户住宅社区中提供最佳的室内外联系,室内空间和室外空间应该一起规划”。41960 年和 1964 年的 Good Housing 报告都包含这样的声明,即室外空间“应根据其功能有意识地设计和定义,而不是在满足所有其他要求时留下”。5换句话说,室外和室内空间之间的动态互动是整个城市环境的重要组成部分,Bostadsstyrelsen 将时间和对这种互动的关注描述为规划过程的关键。

建筑代写|建筑设计代写Architecture代考

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