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建筑代写|环境设计代写Environmental Design代考|Regional abstractions and metabolic organicism
Ludwig Hilberseimer and Hans Bernhard Reichow returned to many of these issues in the mid- to late 1940s, providing extreme morphological and conceptual variations of topics that Wagner had already dealt with. They were in many respects opposite characters. Hilberseimer, a radical, left-wing-oriented architect who had developed a brilliant career as a critic in Modernist circles during the Weimar Republic, left Nazi Germany and focused on his academic activity at Chicago’s Armour Institute of Technology from 1938. Reichow, a younger architect who had begun his career as a planner in the late 1920s, held institutional positions during the Third Reich as an NSDAP (Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei) member but managed to remain a prolific practitioner after the war. As planning theoreticians, however, both of them embraced landscape as a means to overcome the social, functional, and environmental conflicts of urban agglomeration, particularly through new forms of residential urbanization integrated with agricultural and industrial activities, explored by means of radical morphological abstractions. Much in the same way that he had explored the Großstadt problem in Weimar Berlin, Hilberseimer dealt with the conflicts of American decentralization taking ongoing processes to an extreme rational, diagrammatic conclusion. He had explored the possibility of rethinking the metropolis as a Garden City since the late 1920 s, and some of these earlier intuitions-such as the tree-structured “settlement unit” or the L-shaped house with garden-reappeared in his ambitious 1944 treatise The New City: Principles of Planning. Hilberseimer maintained that planning ought to pursue the restoration of a balance where cultural forms are molded by the environment, with the mediation of technology. The deviation from this primary ontology should be reversed by incorporating nature’s principles in planning approaches, reorienting urbanization trends to take up organic patterns, understood here as the settlement’s capacity to work with topographical and environmental influences but also in economic and functional terms as the correct articulation of residential, industrial, and agricultural activities. ${ }^{40}$ The integration of gardens and small farms in industrial community life was the main argument to promote massive decentralization, “dispersed over … the entire country.” ${ }^{41}$ As was the case with Wagner, the magnitude of this regional rescaling justified the incorporation of landscape criteria as a central design perspective:
Settlement units… with their gardens and surrounding parks and the adjoining agricultural areas, bring the city into close relation with the landscape-its natural recreation area. The city, in fact, becomes part of the landscape. The one-story house in the settlement unit disappears among trees and behind shrubs and a natural camouflage results. The city will be within the landscape and the landscape within the city. ${ }^{42}$
The New City, however, still lacked consistent engagement with landscape issues. Hilberseimer presented decentralization as an opportunity to shift urbanization approaches from the engineer’s to the landscape architect’s viewpoint, but at this point his criteria were still typical of the former’s instrumental rationality.
建筑代写|环境设计代写Environmental Design代考|Álvaro Sevilla-Buitrago
These explorations remained mostly in the realm of theory and academic speculation. Only Reichow was commissioned to build large settlement projects partially incorporating his ideas, such as Bremen’s Neue Vahr and, especially, Sennestadt, a new town near Bielefeld housing over 20,000 people. ${ }^{60}$ Several of Wagner’s students would later develop his approaches in salient new-town projects including William Conklin’s Reston, Virginia; Macklin Hancock’s Don Mills, Toronto; and the more preservation-oriented Plan for the Valleys by Ian McHarg and David Wallace. The documents considered here, however, stand on their own as intellectual forays into uncommon ground that helped to expand planning perspectives, combining diverse design techniques with the potentialities of landscape approaches to address the inefficiencies of both ongoing agglomeration and suburbanization. Migge was the first of the authors studied here to advance the need to incorporate landscape criteria-both aesthetic and ecological-into housing conceptions. Wagner had the opportunity to give institutional support to this notion and was the first to publish comprehensive schemes addressing not only the geography and morphology of the new settlement type but also the political-economic and managerial aspects of landscape planning. Hilberseimer and Reichow subsequently revisited some of Wagner’s topographies and produced richly edited treatises that disseminated this approach to broader professional audiences in the United States and Germany, endowing it with their own design palettes.
Problematically, the four authors based their approaches to landscape on the relation between elemental architectural and natural units-house and garden, the homestead, and so on-and translated that symbiosis to larger scales. Although Wagncr derided the idea that naturc could be used as a tcmplatc for housing design, he was perhaps the most explicit about the need to incorporate landscape as a basis of residential urbanization, adapting Migge’s conception of the dwelling/garden nexus and the Siedlungen as food systems to an expanding industrial context. Hilberseimer and Reichow were more inclined to focus on the formal aspects of natural environments and their potential to inform suburban morphologics, but they did not develop consistent theorizations of landscape per se or its role in the social economy of residential and industrial decentralization. Wagner and Hilberseimer, however, tended to conceive both housing and landscape as generic, increasingly standardized byproducts of regional and national planning and economic strategies; Reichow, on the other hand, emphasized the specificity of settlement ecosystems but provided only loose intuitions about the tools required to work with them.
环境设计代考
建筑代写|环境设计代写Environmental Design代考|Regional abstractions and metabolic organicism
Ludwig Hilberseimer 和 Hans Bernhard Reichow 在 1940 年代中后期回到了许多这些问题，提供了瓦格纳已经处理过的主题的极端形态和概念变化。他们在很多方面都是相反的人物。Hilberseimer 是一位激进的左翼建筑师，他在魏玛共和国时期作为现代主义界的批评家发展出了辉煌的职业生涯，他离开纳粹德国，从 1938 年开始在芝加哥的 Armour Institute of Technology 专注于他的学术活动。建筑师在 1920 年代后期开始了他的规划师职业生涯，在第三帝国期间作为 NSDAP（Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei）成员担任机构职务，但在战后仍然是一名多产的实践者。然而，作为规划理论家，他们都将景观视为克服城市群的社会、功能和环境冲突的一种手段，特别是通过与农业和工业活动相结合的新型住宅城市化，通过激进的形态抽象来探索。与他在魏玛柏林探索大城问题的方式非常相似，希尔伯塞默处理美国权力下放的冲突，将正在进行的进程得出一个极端理性的图解结论。自 1920 年代后期以来，他一直在探索将大都市重新思考为花园城市的可能性，其中一些早期的直觉——例如树形结构的“定居单元”或带花园的 L 形房屋——在他雄心勃勃的 1944 年重新出现论文《新城市：规划原则》。Hilberseimer 坚持认为，规划应该寻求恢复一种平衡，即文化形式由环境塑造，并以技术为中介。应该通过将自然原则纳入规划方法，重新定位城市化趋势以采用有机模式来扭转与这一主要本体论的偏差，在此理解为定居点处理地形和环境影响的能力，但在经济和功能方面也是正确的表达方式住宅、工业和农业活动。40花园和小农场在工业社区生活中的整合是促进大规模权力下放的主要论据，“分散在……整个国家”。41与瓦格纳的情况一样，这种区域重新调整的规模证明了将景观标准作为中心设计观点的合理性：
定居单元……连同他们的花园和周围的公园以及毗邻的农业区，使城市与景观——它的自然休闲区——密切相关。事实上，城市已成为景观的一部分。定居单元中的单层房屋消失在树木和灌木后面，形成了自然的伪装。城市将在景观中，景观在城市中。42
然而，新城仍然缺乏对景观问题的一贯参与。Hilberseimer 将权力下放视为将城市化方法从工程师的观点转变为景观设计师的观点的机会，但在这一点上，他的标准仍然是前者工具理性的典型。
建筑代写|环境设计代写Environmental Design代考|Álvaro Sevilla-Buitrago
这些探索大多停留在理论和学术推测领域。只有 Reichow 受委托建造部分采用他的想法的大型定居点项目，例如不来梅的 Neue Vahr，尤其是比勒费尔德附近的一个新城镇 Sennestadt，这里有 20,000 多人。60瓦格纳的几个学生后来在包括威廉康克林的弗吉尼亚州雷斯顿在内的重要新城镇项目中发展了他的方法。麦克林汉考克的唐米尔斯，多伦多；以及 Ian McHarg 和 David Wallace 更注重保护的山谷计划。然而，这里考虑的文件本身就是对不寻常领域的智力尝试，有助于扩大规划视角，将不同的设计技术与景观方法的潜力相结合，以解决正在进行的集聚和郊区化的低效率问题。Migge 是第一个在这里研究的作者，以推进将景观标准（美学和生态）纳入住房概念的需求。瓦格纳有机会为这一概念提供机构支持，并且是第一个发布综合方案的人，不仅涉及新定居类型的地理和形态，还涉及景观规划的政治经济和管理方面。Hilberseimer 和 Reichow 随后重新审视了瓦格纳的一些地形学，并编写了编辑丰富的论文，将这种方法传播给美国和德国更广泛的专业观众，赋予其自己的设计调色板。
有问题的是，这四位作者的景观方法基于基本建筑和自然单元之间的关系——房屋和花园、宅基地等等——并将这种共生关系转化为更大的尺度。尽管 Wagncr 嘲笑 naturc 可以用作住宅设计的模板，但他可能是最明确的认为需要将景观作为住宅城市化的基础，采用 Migge 的住宅/花园关系和 Siedlungen 作为食物的概念系统以扩大工业环境。Hilberseimer 和 Reichow 更倾向于关注自然环境的形式方面及其为郊区形态学提供信息的潜力，但他们没有就景观本身或其在住宅和工业分散化的社会经济中的作用发展出一致的理论。然而，Wagner 和 Hilberseimer 倾向于将住房和景观视为区域和国家规划和经济战略的通用、日益标准化的副产品。另一方面，Reichow 强调了定居生态系统的特殊性，但对使用它们所需的工具仅提供了松散的直觉。
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