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建筑代写|环境设计代写Environmental Design代考|The ecology of the egg
During the construction of the Million Program, effectiveness, “rationalization,” and standardization became paramount, and quantitative concerns dominated others as the aim to create one million units in ten years took center stage. The incredible speed of implementation required architects, planners, and construction companies to design and build efficiently, using building techniques that demanded cranes. Government loan conditions required the standards from Good Housing for buildings but not landscapes, rendering them guidelines rather than preconditions. Existing natural features like hills or forests were often leveled to create flat fields that facilitated the use of these machines but devastated soil conditions. ${ }^{11}$ With this in mind, designers of Million Program neighborhoods-including their sequences of construction-tended to plan each site as a tabula rasa. In the process, as Thorbjörn Andersson writes, their existing landscapes “were scalped, like you do when you cut the top off an egg.”12
These erasures of both existing greenery and the conditions needed for replanting complicated the development of outdoor spaces, even as designers pursued their “towers in the park, inspired by international modernist models.” Good Housing emphasized access to light and air and distances from housing blocks to playgrounds, yet its authors omitted specific details, seeming to assume that the local conditions of the site would shape the process. As the National Board of Urban Planning (Statens Planverk) explained in their 1972 publication Recommendations and Directions for Planning of the Housing Environment, the “intention was not to define a fixed quality level for the entire country but instead to provide a basis for municipal standpoints concerning quality, tailored to local resources and desires.” ${ }^{13}$ Just as Housing Board researchers dimensioned furniture without specifying materials, they also declined to specify ground surfaces or plants or to consider the different affective and social effects of such choices. This was not necessarily because they did not see them as important but because such measures could emerge from a careful planning process for each location.
Instead of filling in the general framework that the Good Housing authors had provided with site-specific concerns, however, construction companies often simply built the framework. Builders treated schematic designs as construction documents, omitting the reworking through local conditions that the National Board of Urban Planning described. Builders privileged efficiency in both building and landscape construction, leading to a “mechanical way to regard biological life” (Andersson 2000, 83) that saw trees, bushes, and grass as construction elements rather than living organisms. Rather than experiential qualities where gardens “shall be consciously designed and defined in relation to its functions, not left over when all the other demands have been fulfilled,” ${ }^{14}$ as outlined in Good Housing, the parks around the towers became exactly the opposite.
建筑代写|环境设计代写Environmental Design代考|Barriers and barberry
As the guidelines for outdoor spaces outlined in Good Housing were taken more literally than their authors intended, this also stood in stark contrast to earlier prevailing Swedish ideas toward green spaces, particularly under the famed 1930s Stockholm School. In their study of Swedish housing of the “Record Years,” Birgitta Roos and Hanna Gelotte note that designs for outdoor spaces during that earlier period took inspiration from the natural Swedish landscape and the attitude that the outdoor environment should include “as few interventions as possible.” ${ }^{\prime 1}$
During the production-oriented planning of the 1960s and 1970s, new green spaces were instead created from total interventions, where “vegetation’s function as a room creator and architectonic volume were prioritized before the individual qualities and decorative function of trees and bushes.” ${ }^{\prime 20}$ This industrialized view of ecology focused primarily on quantity and speed, rather than on ground surfaces, plant species, or street furniture. Sensory experiences of landscapes and their psychological and social effects on residents were not prioritized.
Even so, the purveyors of industrialized ecologies retained certain aesthetic aspirations in their assiduously architectonic approach. Their proposals tried to, as landscape architect Thorbjörn Andersson describes, “revolutionize biology,” even carrying out plantings in cubes to given them a “severe, manufactured, and modern form. ${ }^{\prime 21}$ Furthermore, the National Board of Urban Planning had clarified a specific hierarchy for sensory experiences in outdoor spaces by 1972 :
The physical form of the environment is experienced with our senses, primarily as a visual experience. This visual experience, though, is only part of the overall environmental experience. The design and grouping of the urban area, the planning of the land, the relationship between the new and existing buildings, however, has a stronger impact on the environment. The visual experience is therefore significant. Not least for those who spend most of their time in the residential area and therefore mainly refer to the housing environment and the experiences and impressions it can provide. ${ }^{22}$
In other words, while acknowledging that the “visual experience” was just one component of the housing environment (and mentioning other senses in a later paragraph), the National Board of Urban Planning nonetheless argued for sight as the sense of primary importance. Landscapes were chiefly meant to be seen, and they were to be seen in sculptural terms rather than spiritual or affective ones.
环境设计代考
建筑代写|环境设计代写Environmental Design代考|The ecology of the egg
在百万计划的建设过程中，有效性、“合理化”和标准化成为重中之重，数量关注占主导地位，十年创造一百万台的目标成为焦点。令人难以置信的实施速度要求建筑师、规划师和建筑公司使用需要起重机的建筑技术来高效地设计和建造。政府贷款条件要求建筑物的良好住房标准，而不是景观标准，使它们成为指导而不是先决条件。现有的自然特征，如山丘或森林，通常被夷为平地，以方便这些机器的使用，但破坏了土壤条件。11考虑到这一点，百万计划社区的设计师——包括他们的施工顺序——倾向于将每个站点规划为一个白板。在这个过程中，正如 Thorbjörn Andersson 所写，他们现有的景观“被剥光了，就像你把鸡蛋的顶部切掉一样。”12
这些对现有绿色植物和重新种植所需条件的擦除使户外空间的发展变得复杂，即使设计师追求他们的“公园中的塔楼，灵感来自国际现代主义模型”。良好的住房强调了光线和空气的获取以及从住宅区到游乐场的距离，但其作者省略了具体细节，似乎假设该地点的当地条件会影响这一过程。正如国家城市规划委员会 (Statens Planverk) 在其 1972 年出版的“住房环境规划建议和指导”中解释的那样，“其目的不是为整个国家定义一个固定的质量水平，而是为市政立场提供基础关于质量，根据当地资源和需求量身定制。”13正如住房委员会的研究人员在没有指定材料的情况下确定家具的尺寸一样，他们也拒绝指定地面或植物，也拒绝考虑这些选择的不同情感和社会影响。这不一定是因为他们不认为它们很重要，而是因为这些措施可能来自对每个地点的仔细规划过程。
然而，建筑公司并没有填写好房屋作者提供的针对特定地点的总体框架，而是简单地构建了框架。建筑商将方案设计视为施工文件，省略了国家城市规划委员会所描述的因地制宜的改造。建筑商在建筑和景观建设中都优先考虑效率，导致“以机械方式看待生物生命”（Andersson 2000, 83），将树木、灌木和草视为建筑元素，而不是生物体。而不是体验品质，花园“应根据其功能有意识地设计和定义，而不是在满足所有其他要求时留下，”14正如 Good Housing 中所述，塔周围的公园完全相反。
建筑代写|环境设计代写Environmental Design代考|Barriers and barberry
由于《良好住房》中概述的户外空间指南比其作者的原意更贴切地理解，这也与瑞典早期盛行的绿色空间理念形成鲜明对比，尤其是在著名的 1930 年代斯德哥尔摩学派之下。Birgitta Roos 和 Hanna Gelotte 在他们对“创纪录年代”瑞典住房的研究中指出，早期的户外空间设计灵感来自瑞典的自然景观以及户外环境应该包括“尽可能少的干预”的态度。”′1
在 1960 年代和 1970 年代以生产为导向的规划中，新的绿色空间是通过全面干预创造的，其中“植被作为房间创造者的功能和建筑体量在树木和灌木的个体品质和装饰功能之前被优先考虑。”′20这种工业化的生态观主要关注数量和速度，而不是地表、植物物种或街道设施。景观的感官体验及其对居民的心理和社会影响没有被优先考虑。
即便如此，工业化生态的供应商在他们孜孜不倦的建筑方法中保留了某些审美愿望。正如景观设计师 Thorbjörn Andersson 所描述的那样，他们的提议试图“彻底改变生物学”，甚至在立方体中进行种植，以赋予它们“严格、制造和现代的形式”。′21此外，到 1972 年，国家城市规划委员会已经明确了户外空间感官体验的特定层次结构：
环境的物理形式是用我们的感官体验的，主要是作为一种视觉体验。然而，这种视觉体验只是整体环境体验的一部分。然而，城市区域的设计和分组、土地的规划、新建筑与现有建筑之间的关系，对环境的影响更大。因此，视觉体验很重要。尤其是对于那些大部分时间都在住宅区度过的人来说，因此主要指的是居住环境以及它可以提供的体验和印象。22
换句话说，虽然承认“视觉体验”只是住房环境的一个组成部分（并在后面的段落中提到其他感官），但国家城市规划委员会仍然认为视觉是最重要的感觉。风景主要是为了被看到，它们应该以雕塑的方式而不是精神或情感的方式来看待。
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